SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH Introduction

SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH Introduction ... When Indo-Pak war started in 1971 and Bangladesh ... that this was a new landmark in the history of HAL and h...

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301 SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH Introduction The Ist chapter is titled as ‘Introduction’. This chapter presents the shape of problem and use of research work besides showing the importance of IndoRussian Strategic Relations by giving historical and current review. India’s National Security Environment is determined by its geographical attributes, historical legacy, socio-economic circumstance as well as regional and global developments. Location of both countries have been highlighted which are having strategic location on World Map. Russia is successor state of erstwhile USSR is a great power while India is growing world power in 21st Century. Meaning or definition of 21st century and National Security has also been mentioned. Hence relations between these two great nations are of attraction in world affairs as well as regional affairs. In this chapter current scenario of relation has also been highlighted. This chapter briefly describes the mutual time tested and historically validated relationship which have great stake and can play a greater role in current prevailing security environment scenario in the world. It is also shown that how Russia is important factor in India’s Security perspective at regional level and globally. Chapter also details about relations from 15th Century to the first decade of 21st century and their analysis has been done accordingly. Importance of problem has also been analysed. Various attempts have been made to understand the historical ups and downs. Relations between both has been discussed in detail. The differences when occurred has also been taken care. The study also stressed the role played by both at international level in security and peaceful co-existance perspective. Mainly relations during cold war era and post cold war era have been analysed in the chapter as well. Signing of “Indo- Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship & Co-operation” was signed between two on 9th August, 1971 has also mentioned which heralded the new phase in

Indo-Soviet friendship &

cooperation. It marked important milestones in relations between two and provided a legal & political basis for strengthening of Indo-Soviet Co-operation in Political, Cultural, Technical & Scientific spheres. After break up of USSR and emergence of Russia and their relations have been analysed which diluted for

302 some time and further cemented by corresponding visits of dignitaries from sides. Indo Russian Strategic collaboration is also special because it is useful for both. This collaboration can became initial base for creating a fundamentally new security system in whole of Asia. In fact continued multi dimensional friendship between India & Russia cemented Indo-Russian Strategic Partnership. “The Russia India Strategic Partnership has been a time-tested and enduring one for more than a quarter of a century. Geo-strategically and geopolitically Russia has stood by India under trying circumstances and contributed to India’s national security interests. Russia, creditably, has never indulged in balance-of-power strategies in South Asia and provided strategic ballast to India’s South Asian predominance. India can still count on Russia to act as “the sheet anchor of its foreign policies”. As on date the Russia-India Strategic Partnership encompasses a wide spectrum of providing muscle to the Indian Armed Forces by supply of advanced military hardware, predominantly underwriting India’s economic growth with the large number of civil nuclear reactors contracted for and provision of other high technologies including joint R & D and production of futuristic weapon systems. Hence, the study of ‘Indo-Russian Strategic Relations and India’s Security st

in 21 Century’ is the main concern in multipolar world and both countries play active role in international arena as well.

Indo-Russian Strategic Relations during Cold War era up to 1989 In 2nd Chapter, relations between India and Soviet Russia in preindependence and post independence period are highlighted during cold war era up to 1989. Cold war concept is also explained. Establishment of diplomatic relations and Dialogues at UNO has also been given in this lesson. Nehru’s appeal for ending hostilities in Korea was very well received in the Soviet Union. This was the Soviet Union, alone among Great Powers, who from very beginning since the accession of Kashmir to India in 1947, categorically asserted that this State is an integral part of India. The Soviet Union supported India in 1948 and 1952, whenever Kashmir question was raised in the Union Nations. Nehru’s role at the

303 Bandung Conference of non-aligned nations in April, 1955 was highly appreciated in the Soviet Union. In this chapter head wise events between the two countries and reactions has been given in detail such as Relations after India’s Independence (1947 to 1964) in Nehru Era; Liberation of Goa and Soviet role at UN; Sino-Indian war and USSR; Relations (1964 to 1966) during Shastri era; Indo-Pak War 1965 and USSR ; Tashkent Declaration; Relations (1966 to 1977) during Indira Era; Emergence of Bangladesh and USSR; Relations (1977 to 1980) during Janta Period; Relations(1980 to 1984) during Indira Era-II and Relations (1984 to 1989) during Rajiv Gandhi Era. On behalf of the Soviet Red Cross Society, the USSR Ambassador designate Menshikov presented Prime Minister Nehru a cheque of Rs. 296,560/for the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund as a token aid to the flood victims of the country on October 26, 1953. Relation started their phase of developing on June 7, 1955, when a rousing reception was given to Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of Independent India to Moscow. This visit has clearly given strength to the strategic relations between the two during the Nehru era. After that in Nov. 1955 N.S. Khruschev and the Prime Minister of the USSR, N.A. Bulganin arrived at New Delhi for a friendly official visit to the Republic of India. The Soviet leaders endorsed the entire range of Indian foreign policy based on the Panch Sheel and supported India's position against Pakistan on Kashmir. The Soviet Union also supported India's position vis-à-vis Portugal on Goa, which was territorially integrated into India as a union territory by the Indian armed forces in December 1961. In this chapter Role of Russia has been highlighted when liberation of Goa took place and Russia shown a firm stand at international fora. When the Sino-Indian war broke out in 1962, USSR get confused that either it should support the nation, which had same spirit of communism or should support the country that was among the list of her friends. The situation was complicated for USSR’s think tank. There USSR showed maturity and obliged her responsibility as a world power. On one side, she made pressure on China to stop the war and on other hand, she provided some strategic help India also. The Soviet favor to India, put the thought confirm that the relations between India and

304 USSR was stood on a solid base. But it was clear that USSR was not happy with Indian attachment with other powers of Europe and America as well. A. N. Kosygin, Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, in a letter to M. Lal Bahadur Shastri, Prime Minister of India, again proposed the holding of a meeting at Tashkent or in any other city in the Soviet Union to enable the two countries to state negotiations. As a result on January 10, 1966, The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan signed the historic Tashkent Declaration. In this document they “declare their firm resolves to restore normal and peaceful relations between their countries and to promote understanding and friendly relations between their peoples” which in detail have been highlighted in this chapter and statements of the leaders have also been quoted. Demise of Lal Bahadur Shastri and later on July, 1966 Indira’s visit to Moscow have been explained. On 9th August, the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation between the USSR and India was signed which has been given in full text as annexure a historic treaty that enhanced strategic cooperation besides providing credible assurances to India of Soviet assistance in the event of attack by China or Pakistan. When Indo-Pak war started in 1971 and Bangladesh emerged as a new nation. The Soviet Union played a crucial role by preventing US and Chinese intervention in the sub continent and also deterred US 7th fleet. Its diplomatic support at UN front and outside both was remarkable and significant. This has been highlighted. The first meeting of the Joint Indo- Soviet Commission for Economic, Scientific and Technical cooperation began in New Delhi on 9th Feb., 1973. A “Mig-21M” plane which rolled out from the Nasik Division of the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was handed over to the Indian Air Force on 15th February by Mr. V. C. Shukla, Minister of Defence Production. Handing over the aircraft to Air Marshal O.P. Mehra, Chief of the Air Staff, Mr. Shukla observed that this was a new landmark in the history of HAL and had been made possible by the friendly cooperation of the USSR.

305 Leonid Brezhnev stressed the great importance of his visit to India for the further development and deepening of Indo-Soviet relations of friendship and cooperation in 1973. The two leaders continued to discuss problems linked with broadening of Indo-Soviet cooperative and urgent world problems.

Leonid

Brezhnev, in a rousing speech, assured India of continued Soviet help. The Joint Declaration (June, 1976) on further development of friendship and cooperation between the Soviet Union and India was signed in the Kremlin by L.I. Brezhnev and Mrs. Indira Gandhi. The talks were friendly and successful. Mrs. Indira Gandhi told at her return that her visit to the USSR had been fruitful and had served to further strengthen friendship between the two countries. The two sides also signed a cultural agreement for the period 1979-80 and two other protocols. Under one of the protocols the Soviet Union gifted to the State Farm in Suratgarh a large number of farm machinery and vehicles. The other protocol was on Soviet supply of 600,000 tonnes of crude oil in exchange of India rice. The two sides reaffirmed their determination to continue joint and active efforts bilaterally and in international forums towards the strengthening of international peace and security. The sides reiterated their “firm support for the idea of converting the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace.” Here it is pertinent to say that there had been regular conversation for growing cooperation and never been a single occasion when there had been a dispute on any of the issue. Cooperation between the Soviet Union and India, linked by traditional friendship, was strengthening with every passing year and this served the vital interests of the peoples of the two countries. In December, 1979, Charan Singh’s government had expressed its deep concern over the Soviet action and had warned Moscow that it would have farreaching adverse consequences. Charan Singh had also demanded the withdrawal of Soviet troops. So, when the issue of Soviet intervention was raised before the UN Security Council on US initiative, India chose to abstain. When the issue was transferred to the General Assembly, India did not depart from its basic approach.

306 Needless to mention here that Indira Gandhi had pointed out at DaresSalam during her visit there, “There who are talking most loudly about the interference of Soviet troops did not say a word when China invaded Vietnam.” In May 1980, a Defence Ministry delegation visited Moscow, when a major agreement was concluded for the purchase of defence equipment, for which Moscow placed a substantial credit at the disposal of India. The Purchases included MIG-25 aircraft, attack boats with missiles, T-72 tanks and others. It was agreed that India should produce T-72 tanks under Soviet license. Indo-Soviet cooperation got a big boost during Brezhenev’s visit (December, 1980), for the two countries signed a major agreement particularly to boost India’s energy sector (oil, coal and power). The two countries singed a new trade agreement for the period 1981-86, which envisaged a doubling of trade. The Soviet Union had already emerged a doubling of trade. The Soviet Union had already emerged as a important trade partner of India. Another major gesture was Bezhnev’s decision to increase crude supply to India by one million tones per year. This was of great importance to India since its own sources of supply (Iran and Iraq) were partly disrupted by the Iran-Iraq war. In April 1984, the Indo Soviet Joint space flight took place. It was in a way the climax of Indo Soviet cooperation in space research which started in 1972. India’s first cosmonaut Rakesh Sharma made history. Rajiv Gandhi made his first official visit to the Soviet Union in May 1985. Gorbachev welcomed it as a “big event”. He said, “We think that a united, strong and peace-loving India is essential to the world today”, and characterized IndoSoviet relations as a “unique and priceless heritage.” In November, 1986 Mikhail Gorbachev made his first visit to India. It was “historic” and a “milestone” in the history of Indo-soviet relations, as Rajiv Gandhi described it. The Visit added considerable depth to the bilateral relations between the two nations. The visit of Gorbachev to the India led to significant developments in Indo-Soviet economic and trade cooperation. Apart from offering a new credit of Rs. 2000 crores to India for four major projects (the construction of the Tehri hydro-power complex, modernizations of Bokaro steel

307 plant, development of four coking coal mines and exploration of hydrocarbons in West Bengal), the two countries decided to raise their mutual trade by 2.5 times by 1992. Indo-Soviet friendship is a decisive factor in global development today. The foreign policy of no nation can be realistic, if this factor is not taken into consideration. The Indian and Soviet Peoples constitute a fifth of the humanity. For the past over four decades, their friendship has grown steadily, from strength to strength. In these days, Indo Soviet cooperation has become multi-dimensional. It is free from strain. The Soviet Union has given its best to India. It wants to see India grow into a powerful factor in global affairs. Thus, it is clear that Indo-Soviet cooperation is poised for great achievements. Both countries are working out new forms of cooperation with India’s private sector- a new development- One can see great possibilities and potentialities for the future. Already both nations have identified over 175 fruitful areas for production cooperation and more than 130 areas for joint ventures in India and 20 in USSR. Rajiv Gandhi visited Moscow in 1989 and both agreed for setting up a 2000 MW nuclear power plant in India. Hence in this way this 2nd chapter shows explained notes and details of each and every historic visits and all major incidences that took place during the period a s a whole.

Role of India after break-up of Soviet Union in development, peace and security environment of Russia since 1989-2000 In this 3rd chapter, we can say that both the countries were firm on their continued efforts to develop and strengthen relations in every sphere through regular visits and dialogues and to support each other endeavor so what ever the case may be. Hence we will continue examining relations under various paras. After visit to Russia in 1990 V.P. Singh said that the policy decisions on cooperation between India and the Soviet Union taken during talks would take a concrete form in a comprehensive agreement which would be signed during Gorbachev’s visit to India early next year. The proposed agreements would cover

308 the entire gamut of economic issues besides science and technology.

The

proposals were meant for long range economic cooperation covering the period upto 2000 and were included to set the tone for the 21st century. The agreement could record the decision to continue the rupee trade till 1995. During P.V. Narsimha Rao prime minister ship, on August 8, 1991, the two countries renewed the Indo-Soviet treaty of 1971 for another twenty years reaffirming their faith in the treaty as having served the national interests of both the countries providing a reliable basis of cooperation between the two countries in defence and economic matters and as a potential factor in maintaining peace in Asia. Hardly the ink was dry on new renewed document treaty when a coup was staged in Moscow on 19 August challenging reforms introduced by Gorbachev. The developments took place so rapidly that the Indian Govt. could not keep pace with trends to realize how this event would interact on Indo-Soviet relations. It was well realized in official circles that in the light of momentous changes taking place in Soviet Union, India’s relations would have to be restructured. His entourage had made it clear that Indo-Soviet relationship had lost its dynamism and momentum. Solanki wind up his visit (Nov. 1991) with the assurance of continuing goodwill of Soviet leaders but trade and defence issues were uncertain. In this chapter disintegration of USSR and its impact on India has been highlighted and what were the reasons to lead to dissolution has been examined and analysed. On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as President of the USSR, declaring the office extinct and ceding all the powers still vested in it to the president of Russia: Yeltsin. Mikhail Gorbachev in a televised broadcast said, “We live in a new world. The cold war is finished…..” That new world saw the emergence of Russia as the continuer state of the Soviet Union losing its super power status but retaining the permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). On the night of that same day, the Soviet flag was lowered for the last time over the Kremlin. Finally, a day later on December 26, 1991, the Council of Republics (a chamber) of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR recognized the dissolution of the Soviet Union and dissolved itself (another chamber of the Supreme Soviet had been unable to work during some months before this, due to

309 absence of a quorum). By December 31, 1991, all official Soviet institutions had ceased operations, as individual republics assumed the central government's role. The initial two years (1991-93) were most difficult years in bilateral relations. The confusion and intense debate in Russian foreign policy establishment regarding the course of action to be undertaken i.e. whether to pursue a vigorous pro-west policy giving up the old relations or maintain a balance among old and new partners, further delayed the evolution of a concrete foreign policy. Russian economy was undergoing difficult phase of transition from a socialist society moving towards a market oriented pattern; the transition swept the whole society that was unprepared for such a drastic change. In this complex scenario, it was but natural that Indo-Russian relations underwent a huge churning process. India’s assistance in Russia’s environment has also been detailed. In this reluctance in relations and Russia (Successor state of erstwhile USSR) western approach has also been explained. In 1993 New Delhi and Moscow worked to redefine their relationship according to post-Cold War realities. During the January 1993 visit of Russian president Boris Yeltsin to India, the two countries signed agreements that signaled a new emphasis on economic cooperation in bilateral relations. The 1971 treaty was replaced with the new Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, which dropped security clauses that in the Cold War were directed against the United States and China. Yeltsin stated that Russia would deliver cryogenic engines and space technology for India's space program under a US$350 million deal between the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and the Russian space agency, Glavkosmos, despite the imposition of sanctions on both organizations by the United States. In addition, Yeltsin expressed strong support for India's stand on Kashmir. Pressure from the United States, which believed the engines and technology could be diverted to ballistic missile development, led the Russians to cancel most of the deal in July 1993. Russia did, however, supply rockets to help India to develop the technology to launch geostationary satellites, and, with

310 cryogenic engine plans already in hand, the ISRO was determined to produce its own engines by 1997. Rao reciprocated Yeltsin's visit in July 1994. The two leaders signed declarations assuring international and bilateral goodwill and continuation of Russian arms and military equipment exports to India. Rao's Moscow visit lacked the controversy that characterized his May 1994 visit to the United States and was deemed an important success because of the various accords, one of which restored the sale of cryogenic engines to India. Soon after in the course of the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Yarov’s visit to India in the summer of 1994, follow up discussions took place and plans to set up engine overhaul plants for MiG 29 and for upgrading of T-72 tanks were also finalized. Bilateral relations between India and Russia improved as a result of eight agreements signed in December 1994. The agreements cover military and technical cooperation from 1995 to 2000, merchant shipping, and promotion and mutual protection of investments, trade, and outer space cooperation. Political observers saw the visit of Russian prime minister Viktor Chernomyrdin that occasioned the signing of the eight agreements as a sign of a return to the earlier course of warm relations between New Delhi and Moscow. In March 1995, India and Russia signed agreements aimed at suppressing illegal weapons smuggling and drug trafficking. During the same time frame as the cryogenic engine fiasco, the "rupee versus ruble" debate flared up in Indo-Russian relations. India was finally revived in the Russian strategic focus in January 1996, when Yevgeny Primakov replaced the pro-Western Andrei Kozyrev as Russia’s Foreign Minister. The result was an immediate swing in Russia’s foreign policy focus that included considerations for both the Western and Eastern Hemispheres. A clear signal was sent by Moscow to New Delhi, and the rest of the world, one year later when an agreement was reached to build two Russian light-water nuclear reactors (LWR) in India in defiance of a Nuclear Suppliers Group ban. "The two countries signed an accord paving the way for the construction of two 1,000 MW light water nuclear reactors at Kudankalam in Tamil Nadu. Hence it seems that Russia would not succumb to external pressure this time."

311 Diplomatically, Russia appeared to no longer look strictly westwards. Within a month of his taking over in March 1996, Primakov visited India where in a meeting with the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs, he underscored the durability of Russian-Indian relations by emphasizing that they would remain ‘unaffected by the political fortunes of the ruling parties in the two countries’. He ‘spoke of India as a global power and a priority partner for Russia’. The idea of a ‘strategic partnership’ between India and Russia was set afloat. The congruence of views between India and Russia had a favorable impact on defense cooperation. This cooperation was put on a firm footing with the landmark Sukhoi deal signed in late 1996. The salutary features of Indo-Russian defense

cooperation

were

its

long-term-basis

transfer

of

technology,

modernization of existing equipment, and access to the latest equipment, weaponry, etc. in the Russian arsenal. In fact, defense cooperation had gone beyond the main “buyer-seller” syndrome and had moved to the plan of joint design, research, and production. The chief of the Indian Armed Forces was in Russia to assure the Russians that enhanced interaction with the United States would not lead to a drift towards that country on the question of defense cooperation. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Davydov, in the course of his visit to India declared on October 30, 1996, that his country ‘would not supply arms to any country inimical to India’ and the major outcome of his discussions with Defence Minister Yadav was that it was decided that a large number of important defence related projects between the two countries should be implemented. During Yadav’s return visit to Moscow in 1997, it was decided to extend the existing defence agreement for 10 years, i.e., up to 2010, and in the course of Prime Minister Primakov’s visit in December 1998, the two countries formally signed the long-term military technical cooperation agreement till the year 2010, estimated at $10.15 billion. Even on the nuclear issue, Russia showed considerable understanding of the Indian position when the Pokhran-II blasts took place in 1998. Initially, there was disquiet in Russia over the blasts, but later, Russia did not go public in

312 criticizing India. Importantly, it did not impose sanctions. In fact, in June 1998, an agreement for the construction of two 1000-MW reactors at Kundankulam was signed during the visit of the Russian minister for atomic energy, Evgenii Adamov. However, when hostilities on the Indo-Pakistan border broke out as Kargil Conflict in 1999, in keeping with the time-honoured traditional Soviet position, Russia did not hesitate to brand Pakistan as the aggressor. Hijacking of IC-814 was condemned by Russian federation. A major breakthrough was achieved when the Russian President, Vladimir Putin visited India in October 2000. Both countries signed a Declaration on strategic partnership, and 10 (ten) agreements on various aspects of India and Russia bilateral relations. The Declaration on strategic Partnership spelt out in detail the long-term nature of Indo-Russian relations in all aspect of mutual cooperation, like political, defence, economic and trade, science and technological and cultural spheres. Having signed “Delhi Declaration” India &Russia, as they say in our country are not directed against any other country. Indo Russian Strategic collaboration is also special because it is useful for both. This collaboration can became initial base for creating a fundamentally new security system in whole of Asia. After that last but not the least In third chapter Putin visit to New Delhi has been highlighted with its importance and full text of Delhi Declaration has been annexed. The Declaration was signed during above mentioned the Russian President Putin’s visit to New Delhi in 2000. Highlights of the declaration: 

Not directed against any other State or group of States and does not seek to create a military-political alliance.



Convening of Annual Summit Level Meetings, closer cooperation at international and regional forum and joint initiatives on key international and regional issues.

313 

Deepening and diversifying cooperation in sectors such as metallurgy, fuel and energy, information technology, communications and transport.



Consolidating defence and military technical cooperation in a long-term perspective; deepening service to service cooperation.



Cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy and peaceful use of outer space.



Cooperating in areas such as ocean logy, agricultural sciences, medical sciences and biotechnology.



Cooperating in the fight against international terrorism, separatism, organized crime and illegal trafficking of narcotics.

In this way we can say now relations are strengthening day by day after Putin Visit in 2000. Role of Russia in post cold war era in India’s Strategic Environment In the 4th Chapter, Role of Russia in India’s Strategic Environment in post cold war era from has been explained in detail while explaining Strategic Environment of Eurasia. Afganistan developments and Central Asian republics changes and developments have been mentioned. Regional alliances role and happenings are also mentioned showing strategic and security perspective of area and India’s security. Under this chapter Indo-Russian Relations in Regional Context have been highlighted in special reference to World Order, Strategic Triangle, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, North-South Corridor connecting St. Petersburg with Mumbai etc. These issues has been analysed in context to Indo-Russian Relation and Russia’s Role. In the Chapter, Relation of Both countries has also been comparatively studied in bilateral context. Role of Russia in Pakistan relations with India, Arms deal (Sukhoi) etc. have been detailed beside mentioning the sentiments by Putin during his two visits to India. Then chronology of events and incidents took place from the visits and declarations have been mentioned in detail with full text such as.

314 Indian PM visits to Russia in November, 2001, at the invitation of the Russian Federation, Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, paid a state visit to the Russian Federation from November 4-7, 2001. This visit was in line with the agreement to have annual Summit Meetings outlined in the Declaration on Strategic Partnership signed at the time of the State visit to India by President Putin in October 2000. A Moscow Declaration on International Terrorism was signed. It was noted that the decisions taken during the Seventh session of the Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission for Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC) helped in the promotion of cooperation in important areas such as civil aviation, energy and information technology. The Sides reiterated their commitment to continue their cooperation in the peaceful uses of atomic energy as well as outer space. A "Memorandum on Implementation of Kudankulam NPP Project" was signed. Both Sides took note of the successful development of scientific and technological cooperation between them and the establishment of the Joint Council for Implementation of the Integrated Long-Term Program of Scientific and Technological Cooperation between India and Russia for the period up to 2010. The Russian Federation reiterated that it supports India, an influential member of the international community, as a strong and appropriate candidate for the permanent membership of the expanded UNSC. The Sides reaffirmed that global terrorism is a threat to international peace and security. Cooperation to combat terrorism is becoming an imperative of contemporary international reality. The two Sides believe that combating this menace should be on a comprehensive and long-term basis and should be directed also at those supporting, harbouring or providing safe haven to terrorists. India and the Russian Federation intend to make their full contribution to the establishment of such a system. They proceed from the understanding that terrorist acts admit no justification under any political, ethnic, religious, social, economic, or other grounds. Terrorism is an absolute evil; it is a global scourge to be collectively countered.

315 Vladimir Putin's visit to India in December, 2002 Mr Putin and Mr Vajpayee signed two Russian-Indian declarations—on the further strengthening of strategic partnership and on the strengthening and stepping-up of economic and scientific-technical cooperation. Visit of the Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Russia November 12, 2003 while welcoming Indian PM, President Vladimir Putin said that this visit will serve as an important milestone in strengthening the strategic partnership between our two countries, between India and the Russian Federation. Our ties are developing in the political sphere, on the international stage, and we are very glad of this, but they are also strengthening in the area of militarytechnical cooperation and in the economic sphere in general. We are seeing positive growth in our economic relations. 10 agreements were also signed. Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, to India during December 3-5, 2004 During the visit documents signed and agreed upon : Joint Declaration, Agreement on Cooperation in the Study and Use of Space for Peaceful Purposes, Agreement on Long-Term Cooperation in Joint Development and Use of the Russian Global Navigation Satellite System (GLONASS) for Peaceful Purposes. An Agreement on Mutual Travel for Diplomatic and Official Passport Holders. Protocol between the St. Petersburg Administration and the City of Mumbai on Cooperation. Agreement on Strategic Cooperation between Gazprom and the Gas Authority of India. Memorandum of Understanding between Sberbank and the State Bank of India. Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation between Sberbank and the Canara Bank of India. Agreement on Cooperation between Vnesheconom bank, Rosexim bank and the Indian Export Credit Guarantee Corporation. Agreement on Cooperation through the Dialogue of Civilisations Programme between the Russian Centre for National Glory and the Jawaharlal Nehru University. And lastly Memorandum of Understanding between Stroitransgaz and the Gas Authority of India. While the visits from both countries conducted annually by the President from Russian Federation and Prime Minster from Indian side in annual summits

316 and visits resulted in to fruitful and strengthening cooperation in all aspects of life particularly in defence and joint ventures. In July, 2008 Both President Dmitry and Prime Minster exchanged dialogues in G-8 and BRIC summit in Hokkaido. Bilateral cooperation and regional and international issues of importance to both sides were reviewed at the meeting. In November 2008 was also witness to two most regrettable incidents: the first in Russia -an accident on 8 November on board the Russian submarine ‘Nepra’, and the second in India – a series of ghastly terrorist attacks in Mumbai during 26-29 November. PM Manmohan Singh sent his deepest condolences in a message to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev on the accident on board the Russian submarine. President Medvedev expressed condolences to PM in connection with the Mumbai terrorist attacks. In his message, President Medvedev said “it is inadmissible to use terrorist methods in the settlement of any issue”. President Dmitry Medvedev paid a successful State visit to India on 4-5 December, 2008. President Medvedev held extensive discussions with Prime Minister on bilateral and international issues. President Medvedev also presided over the closing ceremony of the ‘Year of Russia in India’ together with the President of India. President Medvedev was the first foreign Head of State to visit India after the Mumbai terrorist attacks. India and Russia strengthened their ties further by inking 10 agreements, including a pact on civil nuclear cooperation and decided to intensify their cooperation in combating terrorism. The agreements signed in the presence of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev were in diverse areas ranging from space and defence to finance, human space programme and tourism. Describing the agreement on civil nuclear cooperation as a “new milestone” in bilateral relations, Singh told a joint press conference with Russian President who is on a three-day visit, here, “The signing of the agreement on civil nuclear cooperation with Russia marks a new milestone in the history of our cooperation with Russia in the field of nuclear energy.” Under the agreement, Russia will build four additional atomic reactors in the Kudankulam nuclear plant in Tamil Nadu. Russia agreed in January 2007 to

317 help India in the construction of four energy blocks at the atomic plant in Kudankulam and nuclear power plants at new sites in India. Separately, OAO Tvel, the Russian nuclear-fuel monopoly, agreed to deliver fuel worth $700 million to other Indian power stations. Singh, after signing a joint declaration with Medvedev, said both the countries have taken “yet another step forward” through joint action in human space flight programme. As mutual respects and cultural exchange in 2008, Year of Russia was observed in India and 2009 Year of India in Russia was observed through a series of activities through out the year. During the visit of the Prime Minister of India Dr. Manmohan Singh, to Russia for the Annual Summit from December 6 to 8, 2009. A joint declaration on deepening the strategic Partnership to meet Global challenges was signed. Indo-Russian trade got a Putin boost. The visit is noted for the success in taking this vital strategic partnership forward, giving the much needed economic impetus. A host of steps aimed at scaling up the current $7.5 billion bilateral trade to $20 billion by 2015 are set in motion, An agreement between Russia and India for cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. A roadmap for strengthening large-scale cooperation between Russia and India in the peaceful use of nuclear energy in 2010. An agreement establishing a joint venture to manufacture ground-based navigation equipment that will interface with the Russian Global Navigation Satellite System GLONASS was signed. A Memorandum of Understanding between the Russian Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Indian Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers for cooperation regarding fertilizers. A framework agreement (contract) for the export of inorganic fertilizer to India. Sanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) role and India’s involvement as Observor has also been highlighted. The

Sixteenth

Session

of

the

India-Russia

Inter-Governmental

Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC-TEC) was held in New Delhi on 18 November 2010. The entire spectrum of India-Russia trade, economic, scientific, technological and

318 cultural cooperation was reviewed during the meeting. Both sides expressed satisfaction at the recent increase in bilateral trade and investments while recognizing that the level of economic engagement remained below its potential give the size of the two economies. Minutes and agreements have explained in detail in this chapter. In nutshell, it clearly indicates that the Russia-India Strategic Partnership is a time-tested strategic partnership. It was the sheet anchor of India’s foreign policies during the Cold War when India was being buffeted around strategically. It continues as the sheet-anchor of India’s foreign policy even contemporarily when the contextual geopolitical situation portends that India would once again be likely to be buffeted around on Kashmir and other contentious issues with which Pakistan Army is at odds with India and asking USA to pressurize India. While an equally vibrant US-India Strategic Partnership is also desirable for India, but regrettably that vibrancy is unlikely to emerge till such time the United States gives up its propensity for periodic strategic tilts towards Pakistan. With Russia not carrying any “Pakistan baggage” in its policy approaches to South Asia and towards India, the Russia-India Strategic Partnership is better placed to serve India’s national security interests. The Russia-India Strategic Partnership carries that distinction which stands validated historically.

Role of Russia in New International World Order in Post cold war era In the 5th chapter, Role of Russia in new International World Order in post cold war era has been examined and well analysed starting from Polarity in International Relations and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 had led to what some would call unipolarity, with the United States as a sole superpower. In this chapter different views elaborately explains about World Order : Multipolar or Unipolar. According to Samuel P. Huntington, "There is now only one superpower. But that does not mean that the world is unipolar. A unipolar system would have one superpower, no significant major powers, and many minor powers." Huntington thinks, "Contemporary international politics" ... "is instead a strange

319 hybrid, a uni-multipolar system with one superpower and several major powers. According to BBC news reporter John Simpson the Iraq War has negatively affected the superpower status of the United States and has weakened its worldwide standing In words of Sergei Lavrov Russian Foreign Minister to The Times of India, “A unipolar world has not been and cannot be created, because the available military, political, financial, economic and other resources are not sufficient to build an empire in today’s conditions of globalisation. Some issues and thinking about New Cold War has also been mentioned. Chinese President Hu Jintao and Russian President Putin signed the Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation Regarding the International Order of the 21st Century in Moscow on 1 July, 2005. The two sides call on countries in the world to engage in extensive dialogue on the issue of the international order of the 21st century. To a great extent, the future of the world, the progress of mankind, and the ability to deal with challenges and threats depend on the outcome of this dialogue which has been annexed in full text. Russia’s Monroe Doctrine or in other words the new Foreign Policy Doctrine of Russia articulated by President Medvedev has been explained in detail showing major thrust areas. By analyzing it reveals that Russia wants to send out to the international community in declaratory terms and in particular to the United States, the West and the countries on its perimeter specifically Russia is no longer willing to accept the unipolar strategic dominance of the global power system by the United States. Russia sees a pronounced role for itself in the global power system and Russia is looking for a multipolar global power configuration to offset American strategic dominance etc. Global Implications of this doctrine has also been highlighted. The global strategic impact of the Russian Monroe Doctrine would weigh heavily on United States global image of unquestioned leadership. The United States today is in a state of “imperial overstretch” and its options to effectively deal with Russia’s revived challenge are limited. Today Russia can generate more strategic irritants globally for the

320 United States than America can do so in response. Politically, the global impact of the Russian Monroe Doctrine can be expected to weigh heavily on the Atlantic Alliance and the new found American allies in Eastern Europe. Political ties could loosen and alliance unity frayed when country-specific challenges are posed by Russia’s resurgence to US allies. Russia today enjoys significant economic leverages in the energy sector which it can employ decisively to modulate comprehensively the policies of US allies both in Europe and the Asia Pacific. Besides in the ensuing strategic confrontation that may ensue, even with drop in oil prices, Russia would not be constrained in use of its economic leverages resting on the energy sector nor would its strategic armament plans be restricted. Russia Military preparedness and Major War Scenarios Exercises and Defence Doctrines have also been mentioned in this chapter and analysed as well. China and India are considered as of “strategic” value for Russia’s foreign policy. It is the first time the aspect stands so stressed. China and India are viewed as top priorities for Russia’s Asian policies and global policies too. It is but natural that Russia accords top priority in its foreign policy to China and India. China and India are emerging as leading global powers, and would provide the other “poles” of the multipolar world envisaged by Russia. Russia has a singular advantage in this direction in that it has a virtual strategic alliance with China which can be reinforced. With India, Russia enjoys a time-tested strategic partnership on which Russia can build further. More importantly between Russia and India there are no contradictory or competing strategic interests. Russia long ago acceded South Asia as India’s sphere of influence and has refrained from any strategic or military linkages with Pakistan. Role of Economic Alliances like G8+5, G-20, Brazil, Russia, India and China form bloc to challenge US dominance, Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO), Russia, India and China - Strategic Triangle etc. have been mentioned in this chapter and latest meetings and dialogues has been explored to the seen. Russia’s Role in the New World Order has been detailed in the chapter what can Russia can play its role. While latest developments NATO-Russia

321 relations: a new beginning has also been analysed and decision taken has been mentioned. Potential Superpowers that have been claimed to become (or to remain) a superpower within the 21st century are mentioned in detail with their locations on world map and table of GDP, Military spending, population, land mass etc. Lastly as futuristic thinking, the economic factor is the most reliable clue for predicting power quotients and has been so throughout history. Nations which have quietly built up economic strength outlast their rivals through War and other calamities. The other historically revolutionary force is Technology. The major “Poles” in the future will thus most probably be growing and innovative powers such as China, US, India, Japan, Germany, Russia, Brazil and South Africa. Role of Russia in India’s Security Environment in 21st Century particularly in defence posture In 6th Chapter of the study, Role of Russia in India’s Security Environment particularly in defence posture has been clearly analysed in various points taken into consideration. First of all, India’s Security Environment has been mentioned. Certain specific post-Cold War global political, economic, and social trends democratization, marketization, increasing concerns about human rights violations, regional integration further define the evolving Indian strategic environment. These constant or changing regional and global interstate relationships directly or indirectly affect the three basic levels of India's security concerns: internal security, conventional military security, and nuclear security. Pakistan, China and regional scenario has been mentioned in detail like china threat, arms supply to china etc. Shifting pattern in Security relationship has also been mentioned and highlighted regional economic cooperation. Internal and External security issues with environment has also been mentioned. Indian Ocean and India’s Security Environment has also taken in reference due to importance of Indian Ocean. Relevance of regional alliances has also been highlighted like IOA-ARC, BIMST-EC and China’s String of Pearls strategy for encircling India.

322 India’s Foreign Policy approach to issues has also been examined and analysed as well critically. Indo-Russian Relations in 21st Century particularly in Defence posture has been mentioned in detail under various heads like political; trade and economics; scientific and technological; military-technical cooperation; cultural; and nuclear cooperation. Furthermore, the political cooperation between the two countries is further subdivided into: cooperation in the fight against terrorism; Chechnya and Kashmir; Afghanistan; Central Asia; multipolarity and strategic stability; inter-institutional cooperation; cooperation on multilateral foras. Defence- military-technical cooperation has been mentioned and highlighted in detail and its importance has been analysed. On the defence front, Russia and India agreed to work towards ‘consolidating defence and militarytechnical cooperation in long-term perspective, and to deepen service-to-service cooperation’. In order to institutionalize their defence cooperation, both countries have formed an Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission for MilitaryTechnical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC) that will structure their long-term defence linkages. India, with annual purchases close to US$ 2 billion, is the second largest buyer of Russian military hardware. The jointly developed Indo-Russian anti ship cruise missile Brahmos, which was successfully test-fired from Chandipur interim test range in Orissa is a crucial step forward in India's defence efforts. Stated in plain terms, it is essential for the fulfilment of India's minimum nuclear deterrent profile. The buyer-seller relationship in the defence sector that existed during Soviet times, has reached a new and qualitatively different stage with the thrust of our cooperation expanding to joint research, development, marketing etc. The BrahMos supersonic missile is a brilliant example of such productive cooperation between India and Russia. The fifth generation aircraft, multi-role transport aircraft are another two important projects of joint defence cooperation. Last but not the least India and Russia are genuine and natural strategic partners, and are the only two major powers in the entire annals of international relations which have never had any clash of interests. India must value, treasure and preserve its time-tested strategic partnership with Russia, the only country to

323 stand by us during trying times since our independence. In an emerging world that is turning increasingly multipolar and where the G-2 (comprising the US and China) are planning to rule the roost, India can ill-afford to ignore or neglect such a dependable partner like Russia. The most significant outcome of 8th Annual Meeting of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission for Military-Technical Cooperation (IRIGCMTC) was that both Russia and India have agreed to extend the tenure of IRIGCMTC by another 10 years i.e. from 2010 to 2020. The Indo-Russian summit at Delhi has in many ways opened a “new chapter” in our bilateral relations, as was stated by President Dmitry Medvedev during his first ever official visit to India on December 4-5, 2008. The summit reflected the time-tested and trustworthy friendship between the two countries and further consolidated the growing strategic partnership between them in various areas. Altogether nine agreements on nuclear energy, defence, trade and economic relations, space, customs, tourism, financial intelligence, prevention of money laundering and legalization of illicit revenues were signed during the summit. Demonstrating their resolve to fight against terrorism and to boost bilateral defence cooperation further, strike infantry units of the Indian and Russian Armies ended a joint military exercise named Ex INDRA-10 in the Kumaon hills (Ranikhet) on 23 Oct. 2010. India on 7th Oct.2010 raised the issue of delay in the delivery of military hardware like an aircraft carrier and a nuclear submarine and a satisfactory solution found to the issue in 10th meeting of India Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC) by Defence Minster A.K.Antony with Russian counterpart Anatoly Serdyukov. India had bought the Admiral Gorshkov, to be renamed INS Vikramaditya in 2004 for $1,5 billion. The delivery was to have been in 2008 but Russia’s demand for hiking the price has pushed back to 2012-13. Now the two sides conducted protacted negotiations before India finally agrred to pay $2.34 billion in early 2010.

324 An Akula-II class nuclear powered submarine was supposed to be delivered in 2009 but is now expected to be handed over to the Indian Navy only by March 2011, this is because the submarine was damaged during its sea trials. Russia is the only country with which India has institutionalized mechanism at the level of the defence ministers. Nuclear Cooperation and Civil nuclear deal between Russia and India heralded a new phase of relations during visit of Dmitry Medvedev. In contrast with Washington, Russia accepts India’s pre-eminence in the region. It does not interfere in India’s relationship with its neighbours much less it makes China responsible for keeping peace in South Asia. The invitation to China to meddle in India’s backyard is by no means a friendly act by Washington. Moscow has no record of doing anything that can create problems for India with its neighbours. Hence in this way Russia’s role in India’s Security Environment has been mentioned in detail in this 6th chapter of study. Findings In today’s context while scenario of world order is rapidly changing through out, the present research work “Indo-Russian Strategic Relations and India’s Security in 21st Century” is having great importance and significance for the study because Russia-India Strategic Partnership is a time-tested strategic partnership which carries that distinction which stands validated historically. As India’s National Security Environment is determined by its geographical attributes, historical legacy, socio-economic circumstance as well as regional and global developments. All the nations of the world are most concerned with their security in the modern phase of International relations, and the security issue depends on the activities that are acted or played by a particular nation in the sense of harmony or antagonism. When the question of India’s security comes, two names come as major security threats that are Pakistan and China. However, current economic dependence does not allow antagonism. In international relations, it is a fact that no state can have a smooth dealing with all the nations of the world. So it is same with India, India is a country of vividness.

325 The believer of 'Ahinsa' (non-violence) and Panchsheel (Peaceful coexistence) had a bitter experience of five wars with her neighbours such as four wars with Pakistan and one with People Republic of China. Besides the evolution of technology, ‘the world has become a common market, so the regional and international importance for each other is growing speedily. All relations between nation states have their own importance but only few relations are considered most crucial for peace and stability in the world. The world is never static and events move fast. Relations between nations keep changing from time to time. Yesterday’s enemies could become friends today and the today’s friends could become adversaries tomorrow. Thus while dealing with the subject of international environment, it would be useful to study the past background of countries and the development of their relations with others over a period of time. This enables better understanding of actions and reactions of different nations in a given situation in the international arena. Topic chosen “Indo-Russian Strategic Relations and India’s Security in the 21st Century” as my research work on the basis of the logic that presently international interests and relations are changing speedily and these both Russia being successor state of erstwhile USSR superpower and India being an emerging economy, may change the power structure of the globe. For any meaningful understanding of the Indo-Russian Strategic Relations and India’s Security in the 21st century, it is important to understand and analyze the Soviet and post-Soviet security perspectives towards the region. Despite the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, the relationship between India and Russia remains one of considerable importance to both countries. Since the early 1950s, New Delhi and Moscow had built friendly relations on the basis of realpolitik. India's nonalignment enabled it to accept Soviet support in areas of strategic congruence, as in disputes with Pakistan and China, without subscribing to Soviet global policies or proposals for Asian collective security. Close and cooperative ties were forged in particular in the sectors of Indian industrial development and defense production and purchases.

326 On behalf of the Soviet Red Cross Society, the USSR Ambassador designate Menshikov presented Prime Minister Nehru a cheque of Rs. 296,560/for the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund as a token aid to the flood victims of the country on October 26, 1953. Ties between India and the Soviet Union initially were distant. Nehru had expressed admiration for the Soviet Union's rapid economic transformation, but the Soviet Union regarded India as a "tool of Anglo-American imperialism." After Josef Stalin's death, the Soviet Union expressed its hopes for "friendly cooperation" with India. This aim was prompted by the Soviet decision to broaden its international contacts and to cultivate the non-aligned and newly independent countries of Asia and Africa. Nehru’s role at the Bandung Conference of non-aligned nations in April, 1955 was highly appreciated in the Soviet Union. Nehru's state visit to the Soviet Union in June 1955 was the first of its kind for an Indian prime minister. This visit has clearly given strength to the strategic relations between the two. It was followed by the trip of Premier Nikolai Bulganin and General Secretary Nikita Khrushchev to India in November and December 1955. The Soviet leaders endorsed the entire range of Indian foreign policy based on the Panchsheel and supported India's position against Pakistan on Kashmir. The Soviet Union also supported India's position vis-à-vis Portugal on Goa, which was territorially integrated into India as a union territory by the Indian armed forces in December 1961. The Soviet Union and some East European countries offered India new avenues of trade and economic assistance. By 1965 the Soviet Union was the second largest national contributor to India's development. These new arrangements contributed to India's emergence as a significant industrial power through the construction of plants to produce steel, heavy machinery, equipment, machine tools, precision instruments, and to generate power and extract and refine petroleum. Soviet investment was in India's public-sector industry, which the World Bank and Western industrial powers had been unwilling to assist until spurred by Soviet competition. Soviet aid was extended on the basis of long-term, government-to-government programs, which covered successive phases of

327 technical training for Indians, supply of raw materials, progressive use of Indian inputs, and markets for finished products. Bilateral arrangements were made in non-convertible national currencies, helping to conserve India's scarce foreign exchange. Thus the Soviet contribution to Indian economic development was generally regarded as positive. When the Sino-Indian war broke out in 1962, USSR get confused that either it should support the nation, which had same spirit of communism or should support the country that was among the list of her friends. Here USSR showed maturity and obliged her responsibility as a world power. On one side, she made pressure on China to stop the war and on other hand, she provided some strategic help to India also. The Soviet favor to India, put the thought confirm that the relations between India and USSR was stood on a solid base. But it was clear that USSR was not happy with Indian attachment with other powers of Europe and America as well. Nehru obtained a Soviet commitment to neutrality on the IndiaChina border dispute and war of 1962. During the India-Pakistan war of 1965, the Soviet Union acted with the United States in the UN Security Council to bring about a cease-fire. Soviet premier Aleksei N. Kosygin went further by offering his good offices for a negotiated settlement, which took place at Tashkent on January 10, 1966. Until 1969 the Soviet Union took an evenhanded position in South Asia and supplied a limited quantity of arms to Pakistan. From 1959 India had accepted Soviet offers of military sales. Indian acquisition of Soviet military equipment was important because purchases were made against deferred rupee payments, a major concession to India's chronic shortage of foreign exchange. Simultaneous provisions were made for licensed manufacture and modification in India, one criterion of self-reliant defense on which India placed increasing emphasis. In addition, Soviet sales were made without any demands for restricted deployment, adjustments in Indian policies toward other countries, adherence to Soviet global policies, or acceptance of Soviet military advisers. In this way, Indian national autonomy was not compromised. Despite assurance by the Soviet leadership that the policies will not negate India’s interest, a high level Pakistan military

328 delegation went to Moscow in June, 1966 to explore the possibility of Soviet arms supply to Pakistan. New Delhi warned that this act will weaken Indo-Soviet relations while Soviet Union assured that her policy of Kashmir has not changed and they regard Kashmir as integral part of Indian Republic. The most intimate phase in relations between India and the Soviet Union was the period between 1971 and 1976: its highlight was the twenty-year Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation of August 1971. Articles 8, 9, and 10 of the treaty committed the parties "to abstain from providing any assistance to any third party that engages in armed conflict with the other" and "in the event of either party being subjected to an attack or threat thereof . . . to immediately enter into mutual consultations." India benefited at the time because the Soviet Union came to support the Indian position on Bangladesh and because the treaty acted as a deterrent to China. New Delhi also received accelerated shipments of Soviet military equipment in the last quarter of 1971. The Soviet Union played a crucial role by preventing US and Chinese intervention in the sub continent and also deterred US 7th fleet. Its diplomatic support at UN front and outside both was remarkable and significant. Indo-Soviet relations are a model of relations between the States following different socio-economic systems. These relations are deeply embedded in the common historical destiny of socialism and national liberation and in their common objective of achieving economic and social progress, in giving rebuff to the intrigues of imperialism and reaction, in averting the holocaust of nuclear war, and safeguarding the world peace and international security. Needless to mention that the first meeting of the Joint Indo- Soviet Commission for Economic, Scientific and Technical cooperation began in New Delhi on 9th Feb., 1973. A “Mig-21M” plane which rolled out from the Nasik Division of the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was handed over to the Indian Air Force on 15th February by Mr. V. C. Shukla, Minister of Defence Production. Handing over the aircraft to Air Marshal O.P. Mehra, Chief of the Air Staff, Mr. Shukla observed that this was a new landmark in the history of HAL and had been made possible by the friendly cooperation of the USSR.

329 The first state visit of Soviet president Leonid Brezhnev to India in November 1973 was conducted with tremendous fanfare and stressed the theme of economic cooperation. By the late 1970s, the Soviet Union was India's largest trading partner. The Joint Declaration on further development of friendship and cooperation between the Soviet Union and India was signed in the Kremlin by L.I. Brezhnev and Mrs. Indira Gandhi during visit of Indira Gandhi in June, 1976. Mrs. Indira Gandhi told at her return that her visit to the USSR had been fruitful and had served to further strengthen friendship between the two countries. On September 14, 1977 the Governments of the USSR and India have decided to upgrade the Indo-Soviet Joint Commission on Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation. A protocol was signed between the Soviet Union and India in New Delhi th

on 20 October. The protocol envisaged cattle and fine-fleece sheep husbandry, exchange of specialists, scientific and technical information and experience of animal breeding, and exchange of the genetic found of cultural and wild plants with a view to using it for increasing their productivity. On November 22, a highlevel nine-member delegation from the Soviet Union led by N.N. Inozemtsev, Deputy Chairman of the USSR State Planning Committee, arrived in New Delhi to finalise the draft of a long-term programme of economic, trade, scientific and technical cooperation covering the period up to 1990, between the USSR and India. In December, a long-term programme of Indo-Soviet cooperation in the fields of economy, trade and science and technology, covering a period of 10 to 15 years, was initiated in New Delhi. The Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and cooperation of 1971 was a logical culmination of the development of close ties between the two countries over the last quarter of the century and a good basis for the further expansion of all-round cooperation. In the Report of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary made glowing references to India in February 1976. Whrn India Gandhi came to power, she did not alter important principles of Indian foreign policy. She made it clear that the Soviet Union would not receive any special privileges-much

330 less naval base rights-in Indian ports, despite the major Soviet contribution to the construction of shipbuilding and ship-repair facilities at Bombay on the west coast and at Vishakhapatnam on the east coast. India's advocacy of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace was directed against aggrandizement of the Soviet naval presence as much as that of other extra regional powers. By repeatedly emphasizing the nonexclusive nature of its friendship with the Soviet Union, India kept open the way for normalizing relations with China and improving ties with the West. After the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, Indian diplomats avoided condemnatory language and resolutions as useless Cold War exercises that could only antagonize the Soviet Union and postpone political settlement. They called instead for withdrawal of all foreign troops and negotiation among concerned parties. In meetings with Soviet leaders in New Delhi in 1980 and in Moscow in 1982, Indira Gandhi privately pressed harder for the withdrawal of Soviet troops and for the restoration of Afghanistan's traditional non-alignment and independence. In May 1980, a Defence Ministry delegation visited Moscow, when a major agreement was concluded for the purchase of defence equipment, for which Moscow placed a substantial credit at the disposal of India. The Purchases included MIG-25 aircraft, attack boats with missiles, T-72 tanks and others. It was agreed that India should produce T-72 tanks under Soviet license. Indo-Soviet cooperation got a big boost during Brezhenev’s visit (Dec. 1980), for the two countries signed a major agreement particularly to boost India’s energy sector (oil, coal and power). The two countries singed a new trade agreement for the period 1981-86, which envisaged a doubling of trade. The summit meeting (Sep.1982 during visit to Moscow) between President Leonid Brezhnev and Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi marks another important milestone in the growing friendly relations between India and the Soviet Union which acquired new dimensions after the historic Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation and subsequent agreements. In April 1984, the Indo Soviet Joint space flight took place. It was in a way the climax of Indo Soviet cooperation in space research which started in 1972. India’s first cosmonaut Rakesh Sharma made history.

331 Rajiv Gandhi journeyed to the Soviet Union in 1985, 1986, 1987, and 1989, and Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev traveled to India in 1986 and 1988. These visits and those of other high officials evoked effusive references to the "exemplary" (in Gorbachev's term) friendship between the two countries and also achieved the conclusion of agreements to expand economic, cultural, and scientific and technological cooperation. In 1985 and 1986, and again in 1988, both nations signed pacts to boost bilateral trade and provide Soviet investment and technical assistance for Indian industrial, telecommunications, transportation projects. In 1985 and 1988, the Soviet Union also extended to India credits of 1 billion rubles and 3 billion rubles, respectively (a total of about US$2.4 billion), for the purchase of Soviet machinery and goods. Protocols for scientific cooperation, signed in 1985 and 1987, provided the framework for joint research and projects in space science and such high-technology areas as biotechnology, computers, and lasers. The flow of advanced Soviet military equipment also continued in the mid- and late 1980s. Thus, it is clear that Indo-Soviet cooperation is poised for great achievements. Both countries are working out new forms of cooperation with India’s private sector- a new development- One can see great possibilities and potentialities for the future. Already both nations have identified over 175 fruitful areas for production cooperation and more than 130 areas for joint ventures in India and 20 in USSR. The visit of Gorbachev (1986) to the India led to significant developments in Indo-Soviet economic and trade cooperation. Apart from offering a new credit of Rs. 2000 crores to India for four major projects (the construction of the Tehri hydro-power complex, modernizations of Bokaro steel plant, development of four coking coal mines and exploration of hydrocarbons in West Bengal), the two countries decided to raise their mutual trade by 2.5 times by 1992. When the Soviet Union disintegrated, India was faced with the difficult task of reorienting its external affairs and forging relations with the fifteen Soviet successor states, of which Russia was the most important. India offered humanitarian assistance to the Russian Federation amounting to Rs 15 crores. The purpose was to offer some succor to those sections of the population which have

332 been adversely affected by the dislocation of economic activities following the recent political and economic changes in the erstwhile USSR. The amount is to be used to supply urgently required items including baby food, rice, standard medicines, including sulphur drugs and antibiotics. India also contributed an amount equivalent to US$ 250,000 for assistance to those affected by the Chernobyl disaster. This pledge was made in the context of the United Nations' efforts towards this end. The initial two years (1991-93) were most difficult years in bilateral relations. The confusion and intense debate in Russian foreign policy establishment regarding the course of action to be undertaken i.e. whether to pursue a vigorous pro-west policy giving up the old relations or maintain a balance among old and new partners, further delayed the evolution of a concrete foreign policy. Russian economy was undergoing difficult phase of transition from a socialist society moving towards a market oriented pattern; the transition swept the whole society that was unprepared for such a drastic change. In 1993 New Delhi and Moscow worked to redefine their relationship according to post-Cold War realities. During the January 1993 visit of Russian president Boris Yeltsin to India, the two countries signed agreements that signaled a new emphasis on economic cooperation in bilateral relations. The 1971 treaty was replaced with the new Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, which dropped security clauses that in the Cold War were directed against the United States and China. Yeltsin stated that Russia would deliver cryogenic engines and space technology for India's space program under a US$350 million deal between the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and the Russian space agency, Glavkosmos, despite the imposition of sanctions on both organizations by the United States. In addition, Yeltsin expressed strong support for India's stand on Kashmir. A defense cooperation accord aimed at ensuring the continued supply of Russian arms and spare parts to satisfy the requirements of India's military and promoting the joint production of defense equipment. Bilateral trade, which had fallen drastically during the 1990-92 period, was expected to revive following the resolution of the dispute over New Delhi's debt to Moscow and the May 1992

333 decision to abandon the 1978 rupee-ruble trade agreement in favor of the use of hard currency. Pressure from the United States, which believed the engines and technology could be diverted to ballistic missile development, led the Russians to cancel most of the deal in July 1993. Russia did, however, supply rockets to help India to develop the technology to launch geostationary satellites, and, with cryogenic engine plans already in hand, the ISRO was determined to produce its own engines by 1997. Despite Yeltsin's call for a realignment of Russia, India, and China to balance the West, Russia shares interests with the developed countries on nuclear proliferation issues. In November 1991, Moscow voted for a Pakistani-sponsored UN resolution calling for the establishment of a South Asian nuclear-free zone. Russia urged India to support the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and decided in March 1992 to apply "full-scope safeguards" to future nuclear supply agreements. Russia also shared interests with the United States in cooling antagonisms between India and Pakistan, particularly with regard to Kashmir, thus making it unlikely that India could count on Russia in a future dispute with Pakistan. Rao reciprocated Yeltsin's visit in July 1994. The two leaders signed declarations assuring international and bilateral goodwill and continuation of Russian arms and military equipment exports to India. Rao's Moscow visit lacked the controversy that characterized his May 1994 visit to the United States and was deemed an important success because of the various accords, one of which restored the sale of cryogenic engines to India. Soon thereafter, in the course of the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Yarov’s visit to India in the summer of 1994, follow up discussions took place and plans to set up engine overhaul plants for MiG 29 and for upgrading of T-72 tanks were also finalized. Bilateral relations between India and Russia improved as a result of eight agreements signed in December 1994. The agreements cover military and technical cooperation from 1995 to 2000, merchant shipping, and promotion and mutual protection of investments, trade, and outer space cooperation. Political

334 observers saw the visit of Russian prime minister Viktor Chernomyrdin that occasioned the signing of the eight agreements as a sign of a return to the earlier course of warm relations between New Delhi and Moscow. In March 1995, India and Russia signed agreements aimed at suppressing illegal weapons smuggling and drug trafficking. During the same time frame as the cryogenic engine fiasco, the "rupee versus ruble" debate flared up in Indo-Russian relations. It was in this atmosphere of uncertain Russian foreign policy objectives that the post-Cold War relations between Russia and India were further strained by two events. The first of these destabilizing events centered around a contract dispute between the Russian space directorate "Glavkosmos" and the government of India for the purchase of cryogenic engines and the related technology. The contract, signed on 18 January 1991, stemmed from India’s desire to gain knowledge of the liquid oxygen propulsion system of Russian cryogenic engines in order to advance India’s geosynchronous satellite launch vehicle (GSLV) program. If produced indigenously and without Russian assistance, the project was forecast to require fifteen years until it would be operational. For Glavkosmos, the $350 million deal would provide crucial funds during a period of tremendous reductions in Russian defense expenditures. On 16 July 1993, Boris Yeltsin agreed to suspend the transaction and to alter the nature of the transfer to the sale of only the cryogenic engines and not the technology. In exchange, Glavkosmos was given bidding rights on over $950 million worth of future U.S. space projects. India was finally revived in the Russian strategic focus in January 1996, when Yevgeny Primakov replaced the pro-Western Andrei Kozyrev as Russia’s Foreign Minister. A clear signal was sent by Moscow to New Delhi, and the rest of the world, one year later when an agreement was reached to build two Russian light-water nuclear reactors (LWR) in India in defiance of a Nuclear Suppliers Group ban. "The two countries signed an accord paving the way for the construction of two 1,000 MW light water nuclear reactors at Kudankalam in Tamil Nadu. Diplomatically, Russia appeared to no longer look strictly westwards. Within a month of his taking over in March 1996, Primakov visited

335 India where in a meeting with the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs, he underscored the durability of Russian-Indian relations by emphasizing that they would remain ‘unaffected by the political fortunes of the ruling parties in the two countries’. As per him India as a global power and a priority partner for Russia. Hence, the idea of a ‘strategic partnership’ between India and Russia was set afloat. India-Russia cooperation in the developmental activities of Central Asia can be accelerated if they can provide the landlocked countries access to the outside world. In this regard, the North-South Corridor connecting St. Petersburg with Mumbai is the best option. The corridor, a combination of sea, rail, and road routes was planned in 2000 with Russia, Iran, and India agreeing to this ambitious project. Which later on ratified by the parties and came into force in 2002. Coordination Council Meetings are being held in series to discuss further streamlining the operation of corridor. The congruence of views between India and Russia had a favorable impact on defense cooperation. This cooperation was put on a firm footing with the landmark Sukhoi deal signed in late 1996. The salutary features of Indo-Russian defense

cooperation

were

its

long-term-basis

transfer

of

technology,

modernization of existing equipment, and access to the latest equipment, weaponry, etc. in the Russian arsenal. In fact, defense cooperation had gone beyond the main “buyer-seller” syndrome and had moved to the plan of joint design, research, and production. Based on continuity, trust and confidences relations with the Russian Federation have been an important foreign policy priority for India. Both countries have emphasized the importance, they attach to bilateral relations and consider them not to be subject to political vicissitudes. With post Cold War transitional difficulties now left well behind, India's relations with Russia are progressing well in almost all areas of bilateral cooperation, including trade and economy, science and technology, culture and defence. There is recognition between both in India and Russia about the strategic dimensions of Indo-Russian relations. Both countries share similar perceptions on many international issues. Interactions on developments in the region lying between the

336 borders of India and Russia have been found to be beneficial and contacts are being maintained on the evolving situation in Afghanistan. A major event during the year was the landmark official visit to the Russian Federation undertaken by the Prime Minister from 24- 26 March 1997, which provided a new impetus to the traditionally close, friendly and multi-faceted ties between India and Russia. In the course of Prime Minister Primakov’s visit in December 1998, the two countries formally signed the long-term military technical cooperation agreement till the year 2010, estimated at $10.15 billion. Even on the nuclear issue, Russia showed considerable understanding of the Indian position when the Pokhran-II blasts took place in 1998. Initially, there was disquiet in Russia over the blasts, but later, Russia did not go public in criticizing India. Importantly, it did not impose sanctions. In fact, in June 1998, an agreement for the construction of two 1000-MW reactors at Kundankulam was signed during the visit of the Russian minister for atomic energy, Evgenii Adamov. However, when hostilities on the Indo-Pakistan border broke out as Kargil Conflict in 1999, in keeping with the time-honoured traditional Soviet position, Russia did not hesitate to brand Pakistan as the aggressor. Hijacking of IC-814 was also condemned by Russian federation. A major breakthrough was achieved when the Russian President, Vladimir Putin visited India in October 2000 as countries signed a Declaration on strategic partnership, and 10 (ten) agreements on various aspects of India and Russia bilateral relations. The Declaration on strategic Partnership spelt out in detail the long-term nature of Indo-Russian relations in all aspect of mutual cooperation, like political, defence, economic and trade, science and technological and cultural spheres. Study reveals that the qualitative peculiarity of Indo Russian Strategic partnership lies in the fact that it does not possess any spirit of confrontation in it & is not directed against third countries. Having signed “Delhi Declaration” India &Russia, as they say that our countries are not directed against any other country. Indo Russian Strategic collaboration is also special because it is useful for both.

337 This collaboration can became initial base for creating a fundamentally new security system in whole of Asia. Soon after, the Bush NMD plan was announced, India through a statement of Jaswant Singh, the then Foreign Minister, became one of the first countries to support it. Both Russia and China strongly objected to the NMD plan. The Russians also apparently did not take very kindly to India’s strong and instant support for it. This became one of the reasons for the some tension that subsequently developed in the relations between the two countries. A Moscow Declaration on International Terrorism was signed by the Prime Minister of India and the President of the Russian Federation during AB Vajpayee visit to Moscow in Nov 2001. A number of other bilateral documents were also signed for strengthening cooperation in other fields. A Joint Statement on Strategic Issues was agreed upon. This visit was in line with the agreement to have annual Summit Meetings outlined in the Declaration on Strategic Partnership signed at the time of the State visit to India by President Putin in October 2000. The Sides noted that military-technical cooperation has acquired a new dimension covering not only trade in arms and military equipment, but also joint research and development of new projects. They considered that the First Session of the Inter Governmental Commission for Military and Technological Cooperation held in June 2001 in Moscow was mutually beneficial and productive. Mr Putin and Mr Vajpayee signed two Russian-Indian declarations—on the further strengthening of strategic partnership and on the strengthening and stepping-up of economic and scientific-technical cooperation in Dec,2002. Further in 2003 and 2004 both countries cooperation in various field enhanced. The Scope of contracts signed with India in recent years is enormous because life has shown that there is no other alternative to these collaborations. Frankly speaking in post cold war era, Russia needs India just as India needs Russia In today’s violent world, surviving alone is practically impossible. Further development of our collaboration in Political, Economic, Cultural, Defence & Defence technology field will depend precisely on this premise.

338 In Dec, 2005, Jan. 2007 & Nov. 2007, two have discussed bilateral relations, in particular cooperation in the military-technical and nuclear energy sectors. Mr Putin and Mr Singh noted that Russia and India share common or similar positions on the main international issues. Many inter-governmental agreements were signed in the presence of the two leaders following the talks. In July, 2008 Both President Dmitry and Prime Minster Manmohan exchanged dialogues in G-8 and BRIC summit in Hokkaido. Bilateral cooperation and regional and international issues of importance to both sides were reviewed at the meeting. In November 2008, both witnessed two most regrettable incidents: the first in Russia -an accident on board the Russian submarine ‘Nepra’, and the second in India – a series of ghastly terrorist attacks in Mumbai. PM Manmohan Singh sent his deepest condolences in a message to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev on the accident on board the Russian submarine. President Medvedev expressed condolences to PM in connection with the Mumbai terrorist attacks. President Dmitry Medvedev during his visit to India in December, 2008 held extensive discussions with Prime Minister on bilateral and international issues and also presided over the closing ceremony of the ‘Year of Russia in India’ together with the President of India. President Medvedev was the first foreign Head of State to visit India after the Mumbai terrorist attacks. India and Russia strengthened their ties further by inking 10 agreements, including a pact on civil nuclear cooperation and decided to intensify their cooperation in combating terrorism. The agreement on civil nuclear cooperation was a “new milestone” in bilateral relations. The signing of the agreement on civil nuclear cooperation with Russia marks a new milestone in the history of our cooperation with Russia in the field of nuclear energy. Under the agreement, Russia will build four additional atomic reactors in the Kudankulam nuclear plant in Tamil Nadu. Russia agreed in 2007 to help India in the construction of four energy blocks at the atomic plant in Kudankulam and nuclear power plants at new sites in India. Separately, OAO Tvel, the Russian nuclear-fuel monopoly, agreed to deliver fuel worth $700 million to other Indian power stations.

339 It will not be out of place to mention here that the Agreement for construction of four additional nuclear plants at Kudankulam was ready to be signed during the last visit of President Putin. It was deferred due to India's deference to US sensitivities as the Indo-US Nuclear Deal was yet to be signed. However, during the present visit the Agreement expands the scope to construct new nuclear plants at additional sites within India in addition to the four new nuclear plants at Kudankulam. Hence, Russia would seems to acquire a dominating position in terms of construction of civil nuclear power plants in India. Needless to mention here that Russia is a permanent member of UNSC and nuclear power having right to veto and India is also a nuclear power and have great stake in international politics and alliances so both the powers can play a key role in the security scenario of the world in 21st Century. Hence, I tried my level best to signify the work of my research. Study finds that Russia-India Strategic Partnership seems to continue in a vibrant mode as our strategic partnership with Russia is a sheet anchor of our foreign policy which reflects the wide expense of the Strategic Partnership and the convergence of strategic interests. As a matter of mutual respects and cultural exchange, Year of Russia was observed in India during year 2008 and Year of India was observed during 2009 in Russia through a series of activities through out. A joint declaration on deepening the strategic Partnership to meet Global challenges was signed during the annual summit in December, 2009. It is pertinent to note that Indo-Russian trade got a Putin boost in year 2010 itself by giving the much needed economic impetus. A host of steps aimed at scaling up the current $7.5 billion bilateral trade to $20 billion by 2015 are set in motion by inking several agreements including an agreement between Russia and India for cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Russia accords top priority in its foreign policy to China and India. China and India are emerging as leading global powers, and would provide the other “poles” of the multipolar world envisaged by Russia. Russia has a singular

340 advantage in this direction is that it has a virtual strategic alliance with China which can be reinforced. With India, Russia enjoys a time-tested strategic partnership on which Russia can build further. More importantly between Russia and India there are no contradictory or competing strategic interests. Russia long ago acceded South Asia as India’s sphere of influence and has refrained from any strategic or military linkages with Pakistan. Russia, India and China are pursuing common goals in their international policies and economic development. In what is the latest step to promote trilateral cooperation in a variety of fields, the foreign ministers of China, Russia and India met for two days in Nov. 2010 in Wuhan, capital of central Hubei province. Tenth of its kind, the meeting was shown as being conducive to deepening trilateral ties between Beijing, Moscow and New Delhi. Due to the increasing influence of these three countries in regional and world affairs, cooperation opens up opportunities for increased development.The three emerging giants share close or similar views on various international and regional issues and the cooperation is solidly grounded. Besides the strategic issues, RIC also focused on issues relating to disaster relief, agriculture and public health, and deepening communication among academic, industrial and business circles. Recently a summit meeting of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) took place in Lisbon on 19 November 2010. It was held in the backdrop of President Medvedev’s long standing proposal for a common security space in the EuroAtlantic area and NATO’s invitation to Russia to participate in the joint development of a European Missile Defence programme. The Summit sought to put Russia-NATO relations on a cooperative path while ending the cold war antagonism which lay at the heart of NATO’s creation. The joint statement issued at the conclusion of the summit contained some important decisions including the undertaking of the “first ever Joint Review of 21st Century Common Security Challenges …and ways to address them through practical cooperation. NRC summit meeting marks a promising beginning for both sides but it is too early to be complacent about the outcome of the engagement. Future cooperation will

341 depend on what transpires during the difficult negotiations on European missile defence that lie ahead. Needless to say that the economic factor is the most reliable clue for predicting power quotients and has been so throughout history, Nations which have quietly built up economic strength outlast their rivals through War and other calamities. The other historically revolutionary force is Technology. The major “Poles” in the future will thus most probably be growing and innovative powers such as China, US, India, Japan, Germany, Russia, Brazil and South Africa. It will not be out of place to mention here that Russian supplies of advanced weapons to China have led to significant accretion of Chinese offensive capabilities. Indian security therefore comes under strain. Furthermore the above also enables China build-up of blue water naval capability. This would result in China’s intrusive naval presence in South Asian waters. A naval dimension now gets added to the existing Chinese land threat to India. Besides above, again in 21st century China has evolved a strategy to encircle India by building a ‘String of pearls’ to undermine India’s security measures. Basically the String of Pearls strategy is an articulation of the manifestation of Chinese rising geopolitical influence by enhancing access to ports and airfields, developing special diplomatic relationships and modernizing military forces that extend fro south china sea through Strait of Malacca, across Indian Ocean and on to the Arabian Gulf especially including the countries like Myanmar, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles and Pakistan. On the other hand, the Indo-U.S. civilian nuclear deal has given a big boost to the strategic relationship between the two nations and is likely to lead to heightened military and technical cooperation. After the Mumbai massacre it may not always be easy for both countries to satisfy their expectations. India has been keen to diversify its economic, technical and military relations. Therefore, it is quite possible to evolve a U.S.-India strategic equation for a common approach to Central Asia, since the interests of both powers are congruent. On the other hand, if the U.S. government exhibits a more accommodative attitude towards the

342 Russian Federation, U.S.-Russia-India cooperation is also in the realm of possibility. It needs to be noted that India and Russia have recently renewed an existing Military Technical Cooperation Agreement for ten years beyond 2010. Further more the study reveals that Non-alignment movement, which was adopted to preserve our security interests during cold war era and is the onetime fulcrum of India's foreign and security policy has become irrelevant. Nonalignment policy came into existence when there was possibility of conflicts among world powers but in today’s scenario, this type of possibility seems negligible. Further to add that strategic triads, quads and a plethora of new global groupings have steadily gained ground in the past few years. Call them strategic alliances or simply bargaining chips, the mushrooming new formations of the 21st century are like a kaleidoscope. You touch it and it changes shape and colour. Russia, along with China and Central Asian States, is a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), established to fight the menace of the militancy and separatism in the CIS and China. Russia is also lending full support to India’s membership of the SCO. While Pakistan was anxious to join the SCO, and its application has been backed by China, Russia wants priority to be given to India to avoid it being equated with Pakistan. It was only in July 2005 that India was admitted as Observer to the SCO at the Astana Summit by the exclusive support of Russia. Another important dimension of the relationship reflects that neither India should expect Russia to weaken its strategic ties with China to win Indian friendship nor should Russia expect India to severe its strategic and military ties with the United States. Thus study also finds that India and Russia are genuine and natural strategic partners, and are the only two major powers in the entire annals of international relations which have never had any clash of interests. India must value, treasure and preserve its time-tested strategic partnership with Russia, the only country to stand by us during trying times since our independence. In 8th Annual Meeting of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission for Military-Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC) which took place

343 on September 28-29, 2008 in New Delhi Russia-India strategic partnership was reaffirmed. The most significant outcome of this meeting was that both Russia and India have agreed to extend the tenure of IRIGC-MTC by another 10 years i.e. from 2010 to 2020. It needs to be recalled that the IRIGC-MTC is the apex body at the Defence Ministers level which steers and monitors the entire course of Russia-India military-technical cooperation encompassing arms purchases from Russia, joint development and joint technological cooperation in the military hardware sector. In the mutually agreed military-technical cooperation plans till 2010, more than 200 projects are covered encompassing all the three Services of the Indian Armed Forces. The study finds that Russia is the only country with which India has institutionalized mechanism at the level of the defence ministers. Though this study reveals that Indo-Russian strategic relations are in the process of institutionalization but study also finds some ambivalence in relations. The formation of various working groups to monitor developments on political, economic, science and technology and cultural fronts will go a long way in strengthening their bilateral relations. Warmth in Indo-Russia relations depends to a greater degree on how India balances itself between its increasing desire to ally with the US, Israel and the West, and maintain traditional relations with the Russian Federation. Needless to mention that India’s growing flirtations with the United States and its continuing romance with Russia no longer surprises anyone. Such is the cold logic of the 21st century global politics that wearing several hats comes easily to many countries including India. Both the US and Russia consider India to be their natural ally. The research finds that the two countries are time-tested friends has become clichéd. Given the unique geopolitical position that Russia occupies, Moscow is critical to India’s overall military and energy security and its quest for great power status. While comparing role of Russia and US in relations to India it can be revealed that in contrast with Washington, Russia accepts India’s pre-eminence in

344 the region. It does not interfere in India’s relationship with its neighbours much less it makes China responsible for keeping peace in South Asia. The invitation to China to meddle in India’s backyard is by no means a friendly act by Washington. Moscow has no record of doing anything that can create problems for India with its neighbours. The above views have been ventured with a firm sense of conviction arising out of years of studying the problem in its entirety. The research finds that that the Russia-India Strategic Partnership is a time-tested strategic partnership. It was the sheet anchor of India’s foreign policies during the Cold War when India was being buffeted around strategically. It continues as the sheet-anchor of India’s foreign policy even contemporarily when the contextual geopolitical situation portends that India would once again be likely to be buffeted around on Kashmir and other contentious issues with which Pakistan Army is at odds with India and asking USA to pressurize India. While an equally vibrant US-India Strategic Partnership is also desirable for India, but regrettably that vibrancy is unlikely to emerge till such time the United States gives up its propensity for periodic strategic tilts towards Pakistan. With Russia not carrying any “Pakistan baggage” in its policy approaches to South Asia and towards India, the RussiaIndia Strategic Partnership is better placed to serve India’s national security interests. Last but not the least, it can be pointed out that, “The Russia India Strategic Partnership has been a time-tested and enduring one for more than a quarter of a century. Geo-strategically and geopolitically Russia has stood by India under trying circumstances and contributed to India’s national security interests. Russia, creditably, has never indulged in balance-of-power strategies in South Asia and provided strategic ballast to India’s South Asian predominance. India can still count on Russia to act as “the sheet anchor of its foreign policies”. As a conclusion, it can be said with some degree of certainty that IndoRussian ties will never witness any drastic fluctuations as long as core interests continue to coincide. The above-mentioned areas of cooperation would further

345 strengthen the relationship. Above all, however a strong political will is required from both the sides to go ahead.

Futuristic Directions and Suggestions After analyzing the research findings, I found some futuristic directions and suggestions about Indo-Russian Strategic relations and India’s security in 21st century. Hence in the light of my present research work, some suggestive measures are submitted that may be useful. Following may help both Russia and India to make relations meaningful and continuing in nature in current security environment in the 21st century…… 1.

As a major supplier of military equipment and technology to both India and China, Russia must ensure that clash of interests and rivalry between the two major Asian powers is contained and narrowed down so that Russia is not forced to choose one or the other between the two.

2.

Continuation of dialogue among “strategic triangle” (Russia, China and India) partners and respect to each other in their bilateral relation as well, must be in action. While it is fact that all the three angles of the strategic triangle are not equal, as mutual apprehension and difficulties between India and China do persist. Moreover, individually each of these three countries has economic and trade transactions with the Western countries on a much larger scale than with one another. However, two things stand out. Firstly, Russia’s deepening engagement with China and, secondly, the improved Sino- Indian relations to the point where the two do not see each other as threats.

3.

For the fulfillment of National interests both India & Russia should have cordial relations with other great powers too like USA, China, Brazil, Japan, France, Britain, South Africa besides developing a friendly neighbourhood.

4.

Russian arms and technology transfers to China do add to the latter’s military muscle and threaten India’s security interests. India can impress on the Russian side and sign an agreement to ensure that First the

346 equipment is not used against India, secondly the achievements of joint Indo Russian R&D in defence projects are not directly or indirectly passed on to China and also thirdly Russian defence equipment and technology given to China are not transferred to Pakistan. 5.

India should continually strengthen its strategic relations with Russia keeping into mind the fact that Yesterday’s enemies could become friends today and the today’s friends could become adversaries tomorrow, but not blindly believing on Russia.

6.

India should try to equip the armed forces by procuring or manufacturing the

latest

machinery/equipments/weapons

in

changing

security

environment and should explore the available and reliable partners which can timely supply with assured quality giving preference to our old reliable and time tested partner Russia. 7.

Both countries relations should be strictly abide by Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between of 28 January 1993 which was a continuation of the bilateral Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation, of 9 August 1971, Declaration on the Further Development and Intensification of Cooperation of 30 June 1994, and Moscow Declaration on the Protection of the Interests of Pluralistic States of 30 June 1994, Declaration on Strategic Partnership between the Republic of India and the Russian Federation of 3 October 2000, Joint Declaration during the visit of the Dmitry Medvedev on December 5, 2008 and later Joint Declaration on deepening the Strategic Partnership to meet Global Challenges on Dec, 07, 2009.

8.

India can seek to expand its international linkages in order to be able to play its dual role at the regional and world stage at a time when a new balance of power is evolving among the major players. Both Russia and China are vigorously pursuing what they call an omni directional or multidimensional policy. There is no reason why India should be inhibited from pursuing a similar policy in order to pursue its own geopolitical interests.

9.

It would be in India's interest that exclusive and mutually hostile alliances

347 are not to be formed in the 21st century. Undue pressure from the West can force Russia to move closer to China, which would not be in India's or Russia's own interest. 10.

Continued multi dimensional friendship between India and Russia serves India’s as well as Russia’s long term as well as short term interests.

11.

Russia has repeatedly committed itself to supporting the case of India for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Russia must support during expansion of UN which is likely to take place in 2011 as suggested by Obama in his recent visit to India. India’s Permanent membership of the UNO can best be served in a cooperative and not a divisive world order. There is no doubt that China would accord greater respect to a strong, pragmatic, economically growing and politically cohesive India. But now China is reluctant to recognize India as one of the 'poles' in a much heralded multi polar world.

12.

It is in Russia and India’s interest to have peace, stability and calm on their borders. Particularly important is the level and rate of economic growth, the level of technological development, integration into the world economy and domestic socio political cohesiveness. Together all these determine the comprehensive national power of a country. Hence both countries should strive for that.

13.

There can be greater cooperation and mutual sharing of experiences and exchange of intelligence between security and law enforcement agencies of India and Russia.

14.

Rapid activation of the North-South transport corridor will enhance cooperation in bilateral trade. Hence, parties must take keen interest streamline the operation to extend trade.

15.

Russia should make proactive role to allow India as a full member of SCO as he supported India in becoming Observer in 2005. India can get better opportunity to fulfill its energy requirement from SCO partners. Secondly it is a security organization that focuses on regional stability. Fighting terrorism, religious extremism and political separatism forms the core of

348 the SCO’s agenda. In this sphere, India has shared concerns with the SCO member countries. Thirdly is not intrusive; it works on the basis of consensus; it respects national sovereignty. In fact, it attributes primacy to national sovereignty, firmly rejecting interventionism of any kind or pretext and fourthly SCO offers vast scope for economic cooperation. 16.

The US has opposed and criticized the vision of a multi-polar world, the Russia- India-China alliance and other collective moves must continue.

17.

Regional collaboration rather than hegemony is more likely to give India the status it wants, since it will broaden India’s security to include other ambits like energy, environment, etc. Hence India should think postively.

18.

Structural reforms coupled with application of full-scale market mechanism in trade dealt a heavy blow to bilateral trade and economic relations between India and Russia. The signing of several dozen bilateral agreements has done precious little to promote trade and economic relations between the two strategic partners. Their trade and economic ties do not reflect the excellent political relations enjoyed by them and indeed constitute the weakest link in their growing strategic partnership. Despite repeated calls to double the trade turnover target over the last decade, bilateral trade volume does not show signs of significant growth. Sustained efforts have to be made to bring the private economic players of both countries in order to bolster bilateral trade and economic relations.

19.

Ways and means have to be found to diversify each other’s export and import baskets. Everything in the sphere of trade and economic relations should not be left entirely to the market forces. If India and Russia are strategic partners, state intervention in promoting trade and economic ties is essential.

20.

It is time for both sides to draft a bilateral Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) or think of some kind of free trade agreement in order to infuse new blood into the stagnating bilateral trade and economic relations.

349 21.

Considering the divergences of norms of the bilateral agreements between Russia and India and the national laws regulating the relations in this area needs to carry out comparative legal analysis of the specified statutory acts and to prepare offers on their streamlining and improvement.

22.

Both should carry out inventory of PIA on Russian-Indian strategic partnership projects in order to reveal and allocate rights for the intellectual property being created, to evaluate the market cost of created (acquired) non-material assets on the basis of intellectual property for their further commercialization and even on the territory of other countries.

23.

Both should work to create an effective mechanism of launching innovative dual use technologies in the civil sector of economy under realization of military-technical cooperation projects and strategic Russian-Indian partnership and to optimise expenses, to establish a nonprofit partnership.

24.

While India should opt a strong measure to manage China’s encirclement (String of Pearls strategy) in the Indian Ocean by strengthening IORARC(the arrangement of Regional Cooperation) and IBSA forum by involving Russia in a collaborative strategic alliance.

25.

In an emerging world that is turning increasingly into multipolar and where the G-2 (comprising US and China) may plan to rule, India must not to ignore or neglect such a dependable partner like Russia.

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